University of Granada, Spain | University of Granada, Spain | 15 March, 2015 | ISSUE 10 | Pages: 14-34
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2015 by Leanne Bartley | Encarnación Hidalgo-Tenorio |
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During the Celtic Tiger period, Ireland grows faster than the Eurozone only to later suffer the harsh impact of the recession. This coincides with increased in-group essentialism leading to prejudice against minorities (Zagefka et al. 2013). Whilst extremist politicians justify anti-immigration beliefs, racism becomes a problem in Ireland. Attacks on certain groups rise dramatically: Women, Travellers, Africans or homosexuals endure verbal and physical mistreatment. Financial crises cause social and discursive marginalisation (Gabrielatos and Baker 2008), and intolerance inevitably contributes to discriminatory views underpinning old-fashioned values. In such a context, we argue that there will be a tendency to nurse the demonisation of the Other (Said 1978), and that the ideological bent of the media sources (see Fowler 1991, Rosen 1999, Barnhurst 2005, van Dijk 2006) will have some impact on how otherness is portrayed. The latter justifies an analysis of how bias fostering exclusion is reinforced in the public domain (Wodak and Chilton 2005). Given Irish gays’ new status following the controversy around same-sex marriage, here we examine newspaper articles to observe the discourse construction of homosexuality (Collier 1995, Stychin 1995, Naidoo 1997, McGhee 2001, Baker 2005), and detect any instances of homophobia. To do so, a corpus-based critical discourse analysis is conducted with our focus on the notion of transitivity (Halliday and Matthiessen 2014) as a means to reveal people’s perspectives on the topic at hand.
Durante el llamado “Celtic Tiger”, Irlanda crece con mayor rapidez que el resto de Europa para, a continuación, sufrir una recesión brutal. Todo ello coincide con la extensión de un esencialismo exclusivista que genera, a su vez, todo tipo de prejuicios en contra de las minorías (Zagefka et al. 2013). Mientras que el extremismo justifica las políticas anti-inmigratorias, el racismo se convierte en un problema acuciante en Irlanda. Las agresiones a ciertos grupos se multiplican; de hecho, parece generalizarse el maltrato tanto verbal como físico hacia la mujer, el pueblo gitano, la comunidad africana, o gays y lesbianas. Las crisis económicas pueden provocar la marginalización social y discursiva (Gabrielatos y Baker 2008), y la intolerancia contribuir a la discriminación. En un contexto como éste, en el que se tiende a la demonización del “Otro” (Said 1978), la ideología de los medios de comunicación deja su impronta en su representación de la “otredad”. Ello justifica el análisis de la perpetuación en el ámbito público de ciertas creencias que fomentan la exclusión (Wodak y Chilton 2005). Superada la controversia en torno al matrimonio homosexual, tras la aprobación de una legislación cuyo fin último es equiparar a gays y lesbianas en derechos, en el presente artículo pretendemos analizar un corpus de artículos periodísticos con el objetivo de observar la construcción discursiva de la homosexualidad en Irlanda (Collier 1995, Stychin 1995, Naidoo 1997, McGhee 2001, Baker 2005), y detectar, en su caso, posibles actitudes de homofobia más o menos sutiles presentes en el mismo. Para ello, practicaremos un ejercicio de análisis crítico del discurso basado en corpus, centrándonos en la noción de la transitividad (Halliday y Matthiessen 2014), como medio que permite revelar la visión del mundo de quien habla o escribe.
Análisis crítico del discurso; metafunción experiencial; transitividad; representación; prensa irlandesa; homofobia.
1. Introduction
The State of Ireland becomes a reality after centuries of oppression, when very restrictive legislation, such as the Penal Laws, was enforced on religious grounds. This was followed by several rebellion attempts, the Easter Rising insurrection against British rule in 1916, the Anglo-Irish 1921 Treaty, and a subsequent one-year Civil War that divided the nation politically and geographically. The Republic is built on a Constitution which, although in need of amending to better meet the needs of society, from 1937 onwards has reinforced Irish ethics. Likewise, it has also been shaped by the violence of the Troubles shaking the south at various times, in direct contraposition with a literary tradition of incontestable influence world-wide; or the most recent debate on nationality becoming gradually harsher after a referendum against automatic entitlement to such a condition was encouraged by anti-immigration positions (Chopin 2006: 236). Very influential pillars of contemporary Ireland are leading figures of the height and diametrically opposite personalities of Éamon de Valera and Mary Robinson, or science Nobel Prize winner Ernest Walton, lead singer of U2 Bono, Golden Globe winner Colin Farrell or Tony Ryan, the controversial founder of the low-cost airline. Furthermore, the present time of the so-called Emerald Isle relies very heavily on both social and financial changes that, by the end of the 20th century, definitely transform the profile of a largely rural and Catholic country (Ferriter 2010).
The Irish economic miracle was due to several factors (Murphy 2000, Brener 2006, Sweeny 2004): Governmental expenditure cuts in health, education, infrastructure or housing helped to lower corporate tax rates. This policy encouraged the inflow of capital from abroad; the establishment of pharmaceutical, food and high-tech companies; the reduction of the unemployment rate; and a new migratory movement resulting in an increase of about 10% of the country’s population; accordingly, from 1995, low- and high-skilled young people, many of them from Eastern Europe, Africa and Asia, others from Irish ancestry, were incorporated into the labour market.
On the other hand, the decline of the Church’s power, after revelations of scandals involving paedophilia and sexual abuse, ((See Report by Commission of Investigation into Catholic Archdiocese of Dublin, released on 29 November 2009, http://www.justice.ie/en/JELR/Pages/PB09000504.)) has eventually affected the perception of issues such as gender and sexuality (Bacik 2007, McGonigle 2013). At the same time as women start adopting new roles in the public sphere, ((Ward (2010); “Changing role of Irish women over past 50 years reflected in relationships”, http://www.thejournal.ie/changing-role-of-irish-women-over-past-50-years-reflected-in-relationships-382725-Mar2012/.)) the traditional form of family coexists with new alternatives, whilst marriage is less common and divorce is more frequently occurring (Fine-Davis 2011, Lunn and Fahey 2011). Although in 2013 abortion was legalised in cases of risk to life for pregnant women, ((“Abortion in Ireland: Legal timeline”, http://www.ifpa.ie/Hot-Topics/Abortion/Abortion-in-Ireland-Timeline)) right up until 1996, women had still been sent to Magdalene Laundries for having children outside of marriage (see Ramblado Minero and Pérez Vides 2006), and it is only in 1993 when contraception without prescription became available ((“The condom train; the fight for contraception in Ireland”, http://allergictopatriarchy.wordpress.com/2013/03/18/the-condom-train-the-fight-for-contraception-in-ireland/))
In the last twenty years or so, the legal framework of homosexuality has evolved so that male same-sex relations are no longer an “outrage on decency”, as once claimed in the Labouchère Amendment (1885-1967). ((“Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885”, http://www.swarb.co.uk/acts/1885Criminal_Law_AmendmentAct.shtml)) Its de-criminalisation in 1993 has allowed for a fairer reading of both Irish history, and the biographies of some Irish politicians and sports players such as Leo Vardkar or Donal Óg Cusack (Walshe 2005, Lacey 2009, Duffy 2011). On 22 May 2015 a referendum will be held in which the Irish Parliament will encourage society to back same-sex unions. Before this historic event, violence against gays (including, for instance, the murders of Declan Flynn and Michael O’Connor in the 1980s) is one of the tragic consequences of homophobia. ((“Ireland’s progress on gay rights offers hope”, http://www.irishexaminer.com/lifestyle/features/irelands-progress-on-gay-rights-offers-hope-234374.html)) All in all, suicide risk among young students suffering homophobic bullying at school (Minton et al. 2008; O’Higgins-Norman 2008, 2009), which seems to be a social malady in Northern Ireland and the Republic, ((“Statistics on bullying in Irish schools”, http://bully4u.ie/bullying-in-schools/understanding/statistics-on-bullying-in-irish-schools/; “A survey of teachers on homophobic bullying in Irish second-level schools”, http://corkgayproject.com/files/2010/06/A-Survey-of-Teachers.pdf; New report reveals widespread nature of cyber-bullying among teen girls, http://www.independent.ie/lifestyle/education/stop-cyber-bullying/new-report-reveals-widespread-nature-of-cyberbullying-among-teen-girls-28941597.html)) has been evidenced so often that it must have been addressed in various forms. The most relevant ones are governmental campaigns, ((“Initiative on homophobic bullying in schools”, http://www.equality.ie/en/Press-Office/Initiative-on-Homophobic-Bullying-in-Schools-Launched1.html; “Action plan on bullying”, http://www.education.ie/en/Publications/Education-Reports/Action-Plan-On-Bullying-2013.pdf)) and the actions carried out by private initiatives such as Anti-Bullying Ireland (http://antibullyingireland.nfshost.com/), or LGBT support organisations such as BeLonGTo (http://www.belongto.org/), Gay Switchboard Dublin (http://www.gayswitchboard.ie/), GLEN (http://www.glen.ie), Outhouse (http://www.outhouse.ie/), LGBT Noise (http://www.lgbtnoise.ie/), NIGRA (http://www.nigra.org.uk), The Rainbow Project (http://www.rainbow-project.org/) or SO ME (http://www.SoMe-NI.co.uk). The teaching profession has taken an ambiguous position here; although it is true that many educators are currently fighting to eradicate this new form of victimisation, ((“Tackling homophobic bullying”, http://www.nasuwt.org.uk/groups/public/@equalityandtraining/documents/nas_download/nasuwt_009350~1.pdf)) it is not uncommon to see how the victims complain that either their teachers did little to stop the harassment, or that they were, in fact, the ones launching a verbal attack on young gay students (UNESCO 2012: 17, 18). ((http://thecircular.org/serious-homophobic-bullying-in-irish-schools/))
Pro-gay right activism is the cornerstone of the Civil Partnership and Certain Rights and Obligations of Cohabitants Act 2010. ((http://www.oireachtas.ie/documents/bills28/acts/2010/a2410.pdf)) In 1988, Independent Senator David Norris was able to overthrow the Irish anti-homosexuality law in the European Court of Human Rights, by claiming that, under the light of Ireland’s legal system, gay people were liable to criminal prosecution on account of their homosexual conduct; this implied, among other things, that he himself, as an active gay man, may have felt victimised throughout his life. ((“Case of Norris v. Ireland”,
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